The importance of material objects in the lives of diasporic subjects is the focus of two vastly different works by Zeynep Turan and Shalini Shankar, respectively. Both authors acknowledge the important role that objects play in diasporic narrative; however, they differ in their means of analysis and illustration, as well as in their postulation of the overall role of material goods in peoples' lives. Shankar explores the little-mentioned role of verbal practices – referential and indexical – and the way by which the Desi community of Silicon Valley uses talk to create objectifications of high-status items such as expensive televisions and luxury cars. The focus is placed on the relationships that people form with objects that they and their social network own, and the ways in which they utilize these relationships to distinguish themselves in their middle-class society. Turan, in contrast, focuses on the significance of material objects to the formation of collective memory within the Palistinian diaspora. The author postulates that material goods serve to link Palistinian memory to an imagined place, thereby forming “connections to pre-migratory landscapes with post-migratory memories.” Despite the authors' differing points of focus, their analyses provide us with an overwhelming sense of the importance of objects to the personal and collective narratives of diasporic individuals.
In studying the middle-class Desi community of Silicon Valley, Shankar employs a mixture of narrative and analytical style, enhanced by interviews with her subjects. Through the use of narrative and by focusing on one Desi family the author allows her reader to engage with the subject of the analysis and to better understand the importance of objects in their lives. The effectiveness of her narrative style is immediately illustrated at the beginning of the reading. Shankar describes her visit to the Kapoors, a middle-class Desi family living in Silicon Valley. The author's familiarity with her subject indicates that she has visited them on previous occasions. The family's desire to introduce her to its newest valued member – the Mercedes Benz CLK Convertible, or 'CLK' as it is affectionately referred to – quickly introduces the reader to the importance of luxury goods in this community. Throughout her work the author continuously fluctuates between analytical and narrative style, thereby allowing the reader to fully grasp her critique of the research subject, and also to connect to the Desi community at large. There are, however, some discrepancies in the author's work. Shankar exhibits a rather limited consideration of the cultural factors at play, and fails to acknowledge the means by which objectification contributes to a sense of diasporic identity and collective memory. Materiality and verbal expressions of objectification are analysed and found to be representative of the Desis' desire to distinguish themselves as members of upper class society. However, little to no attention is given to the importance of objects in forming a collective cultural memory. Indeed, a lusting for luxury cars can be found in numerous diasporic communities. Shankar's argument would have been strengthened if she had further explored the role that luxury items play in the community's sense of 'Desi-ness.'
Turan examines the Palistinian diaspora through the analysis of material objects and postulates that objects reinforce a connection to place, thereby allowing for the continuation of cultural memory. The author's use of extensive personal interviews with diasporic subjects very effectively illustrates the sense of displacement that Palistinians feel, and thus illuminates the deeply-felt connection to material objects that are representative of their homeland. By focusing on myriad objects with no immediately noticeable relationship to one another, such as Mariam Haddad's cross pendant and Bashar Khanafi's tattoo, Turan demonstrates that no single category of objects is applicable; indeed, what the object is is of little to no importance. Instead, the feeling that is conveyed by the object in question is what is truly relevant to the discussion of objectification among diasporic individuals. This idea is well-embodied in the example of Warda Raleh's bed. The IKEA bed in and of itself as a what holds little importance; however, it's resemblance to Warda Raleh's grandfather's bed lends it an entirely new meaning that is brought about by intense feeling and memory. This example clearly illustrates Turan's assertion that a material object can “restore a sense of continuity that had been lost in migration.”
Shankar and Turan both address the importance of objects in the narrative of diasporic communities; however, their approaches and postulations are varied. Shankar chooses to focus on the importance of very specific objects to the Desi community as a whole, while Turan demonstrates that the object itself is not important, but instead the sense of continuity and memory that it conveys. Both authors provide in-depth and enlightening analyses of the importance of objects to the diasporic experience, and thus open a door to questions and further inquiry. Namely, in Shankar's study of the Desi community, how does the verbal association and objectification of status objects such as tvs, luxury cars, etc., effectively contribute to a shared sense of common identity and continuity? Also, is it possible that the traumatic past of the Palistinian diaspora renders material objects more important for the role that they play in restoring memory and identity, as opposed to the middle-class Desi diaspora that has no memory of traumatic displacement?
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